The President? No.
The NRA? No.
the FBI?
Local police?

The School District?
The teachers?

People who demand lower taxes?
The Constitution?
The gun?
Rush Limbaugh?
Rahm Emanuel who said”Never let a crisis go to waste.
FAKE NEWS? Yes, in major and minor part.
Or was it the inability to shoot back at the shooter?
The inescapable, logical conclusion is more guns are needed in the hands of the people charged with and who accept the responsibility to protect our children.
The response should have taken place inside the school when the shooting began.
Teachers who accept the responsibility to protect our children need to take the rather easy steps to stop these mass shootings inside our schools. Get thee a gun.
The answer is blindingly obvious.
America was won with and founded based on guns. We have been betrayed by those who oppose our founding spirit. We fight. We fight to win. We need guns. Anything less or anything else is a betrayal of America.
America doesn’t need to be reborn. We just have to learn once again how to protect ourselves with guns.

Parkland is a crucial political event with the ability to determine the public’s faith in the Second Amendment and gun policy. It is a window of opportunity and we must be very, very careful who gets to rule the debate about guns.
Parkland will cast shadows on the gun debate because the gun-grabbers are directing the shooting away from the shooter, Nikolas Cruz and towards our guns. The sense of threat and uncertainty is being choreographed by the Left, …as usual except this time there is a President who is not a pathological gun-grabber. Scholars have argued that the very occurrence of a crisis or the widespread use of the ‘crisis’ label to denote a particular state of affairs or development implies a ‘dislocation’ of hitherto dominant social, political or administrative discourses (Wagner-Pacifici 1986, 1994; Howarth et al. 2000). This dislocation can delegitimise the power and authority relationships that these discourses underpin, and may pose grave challenges to the position of incumbent officeholders and institutions or to established policies and organisations. At the same time, crisis opens up semantic and political space for actors to redefine issues, propose new policies, foster public reflection, or simply to gain popularity and strike at opponents. Typically, such opportunism rides on the wave of crisis-induced processes of accountability and learning.

Edelman was right in pointing out that incumbent elites are not necessarily threatened by crises. Some disturbances or emergencies may fit their purposes quite neatly. They may actively seek to ‘create’ crises in order to gain authority. He observes with characteristic succinctness: ‘Any regime that prides itself on crisis management is sure to find crises to manage’ (Edelman 1977: 47). But the same goes for the other end of the political power spectrum: parliamentary opposition figures, interest group leaders and self-appointed public voices may actively work to ‘discover’ and inflate crises.

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